The best american essays of the century download

Please forward this error screen to 208. In the 19th century, a number of new methods for conducting American election campaigns developed in the The best american essays of the century download States. For the most part the techniques were original, not copied from Europe or anywhere else.

Republicans in Congress used the military to create a biracial electorate, but when the troops were removed in 1877, blacks steadily lost political power in the increasingly one-party South. After 1890 blacks generally lost the vote in the South. The system was characterized by two major parties who dominated government at the local, state and national level, and enlisted most voters into a loyal “army” of supporters. There were numerous small third parties that usually were short-lived or inconsequential.

The complex system of electing federal, state and local officials meant that election campaigns were both frequent and consequential in terms of political power. The jobs were honorific and usually paid very well. The best way to get a patronage job was to work in the election campaign for the winning party, and volunteers were numerous. Elections provided Americans with much of their news. Political parties in the 19th century thought of themselves as armies — as disciplined, hierarchical fighting organizations whose mission it was to defeat a clearly identified opponent. If defeated themselves, they knew how to retreat, regroup, and fight again another day. If they won, then the victory was sweet.

In an era when many if not most political leaders had experience as militia officers, and perhaps had engaged in actual combat, structuring parties along a militaristic chain of command seemed logical enough. To fight a political battle, the party had to develop a chain-of-command. The heads of the state and national tickets were normally the acknowledged leaders. After the election leadership reverted to the state and county committees, or sometimes to state “bosses,” with little power held by the national chairman.

County committees sent delegates to the state convention, where state nominees were selected. In turn the county committees were based on local conventions — mass meetings that were open to any self-identified partisan. 1901, was deeply involved in New York City politics. The organization of a party in our city is really much like that of an army. The Federalists began to imitate their opponents’ tactics, but were always too elitist to appreciate the value of a grass roots movement. Unlike the caucus, the convention represented voters in every district, and the delegates were chosen specifically for the task of selecting candidates.

By the 1830s, the standard had been established that participation in the convention identified the person with the party and required him to support the nominees selected at the convention. New York Democrats were perennially split into Hard and Soft factions, and the Whigs sometimes split as well. Typically, both factions claimed their ticket was the one true legitimate party ticket. 1896, running simultaneously as a regular Democrat, a Silver Republican, and a regular Populist. Voters of all parties could vote for him without a crossing their personal party loyalty. The basic campaign strategy was the maximum mobilization of potential votes.

To find new supporters politicians systematically canvassed their communities, talking up the state and national issues of the day, and watching which themes drew the best responses. In such a large, complex, pluralistic nation, the politicians discovered that citizens were especially loyal to their own ethno-religious groups. These groups had distinctive moral perspectives and political needs. The Whigs and Republicans were especially effective in winning support among pietistic and evangelical denominations. The Whigs always opposed expansion, as did the Republicans until 1898. By the late century the parties in the Midwest combined to turn out over 90 percent of the eligible electorate in entire states, reaching over 95 percent in 1896 in Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Michigan, and Ohio. Some counties passed the 100-percent mark, not because of fraud, but because the parties tracked people down whom the census had missed.